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Dagmar S. Wodtko, Britta Irslinger, Carolin Schneider. 2008. Nomina im Indogermanischen Lexikon. Academic research paper on "Languages and literature"

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Academic research paper on topic "Dagmar S. Wodtko, Britta Irslinger, Carolin Schneider. 2008. Nomina im Indogermanischen Lexikon."

DOI: 10.2478/v10122-009-0013-y

Dagmar S. Wodtko, Britta Irslinger, Carolin Schneider. 2008. Nomina im Indogermanischen Lexikon. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, LXXX + 863 pp.

This voluminous book is published ten years after the publication of the first edition of the first specialized monograph of this type, Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben, edited by Helmut Rix in cooperation with Martin Kümmel, Thomas Zehnder, Reiner Lipp, Brigitte Schirmer. The second edition appeared already in 2001, again in Wiesbaden, Ludwig Reichert Verlag 2001. Both lexica, Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben (further LIV) and Nomina im Indogermanischen Lexikon (further NIL), originated in the same academic centre, at the Indo-European seminar of Freiburg University in Baden-Württenberg, Germany. Let us mention that both the editor of LIV, Helmut Rix, and the initiator of NIL, Eva Tichy, are successors to Oswald Szemerenyi at the chair of Indo-European studies in Freiburg.

The book is arranged as follows: Vorwort (pp. v-vi), Inhalt (pp. vii-xii), Einleitende Bemerkungen (pp. xiii-xxx), Abkürzungen (pp. xxxi-xxxvii), Abgekürzt zitierte Literatur (pp. xlil-lxxx). The main part of the book is the lexicon proper (pp. 1-730), consisting of 207 lemmas. In the final part there are the indexes (pp. 733-863). The structure of the lemma reflects the word formation of the Indo-European noun. At the head of the lemma stands the verbal or nominal root. The nominal derivatives are classified as follows (pp. xx-xxv):

• Athematic formations

1. Root nouns.

2. -r-/-n-heteroclitics, including the complex extensions *-uer/n-, *-ter/n-, *-mer/n-;

3. n-stems, including the *-men-/*-mon-extensions and possessive formations in *-H3on-;

4. r-stems, including the *-ter-/*-tor-extensions;

5. /-stems, including such formations as Slavic nomina agentis in *-tel-;

6. i-stems, including the productive abstract nouns in *-ti-;

7. u-stems, including the productive extensions in *-tu-;

8. H-stems, i.e. in *-iH2 and *-(e)H1;

9. s-stems, plus the comparatives in *-ies- and superlatives in *-istH2o-, including the Italo-Celtic innovation in *-iswmo-;

10. Perfect participles in -ues/t-, *-uos/t-, *-us-;

11. t-stems, i.e. *-et-/*-ot-/*-t-;

12. nt-stems are included only, if they are not result of an inner development in the individual branches.

• Thematic formations

o-stems, with numerous extensions: *-ko-, *-no-, *-ro-, *-lo-, *-io-, *-uo-, *-to-;

Nomina instrumenti in *-tro-, *-tlo-, *-dhro-, *-dhlo-;

aH2-stems (they are not included among H-stems).

• Secondary formations and compounds.

The resolve of the authors of NIL to analyze every studied etymon is maximalistic in the most positive sense. Besides the careful analysis of etymons from the point of view of word

formation, they also offer their valuable semantic discussions. Welcome is the inclusion of numerous proper names, anthroponyms, theonyms, and toponyms in their lemmas. The authors are not dogmatic: they frequently discuss various alternative solutions, cognizant of the most recent sources. In sum, one may conclude that the authors offer the highest possible level of contemporary Indo-European etymology. The following marginal supplements do not change this highest evaluation.


Ad 38-41: *bhraH2ter- 'Bruder' - There are even two candidates for a cognate in Anatolian, both in Lydian: (i) brafrsi- and (ii) vrato-/vratu- (Gusmani 1980-1984: 129, 141).

Ad 46-58: *bh„eH2- 'wachsen, entstehen, werden' - Add the Anatolian cognates: Cuneiform Luwianpüwa 'formerly', puwa-til 'the past', püwalä 'past', Hieroglyphic Luwian pu-wa/i-ti 'formerly', especially with respect to such parallels as püwalä 'past' vs. Russian byvalo 'used to be' > 'formerly' (Ivanov 2001: 80-106).

Ad 60-69: *deH3- 'geben' - Add the Anatolian cognates, the derivatives of Hittite da-'to take', Cuneiform Luwian da-/ta-/la-, Hieroglyphic Luwian ta-/la- id., Lydian da- 'to give', with infinitives in -n- in Hittite dänna, Hieroglyphic Luwian CAPERE(-)la/i/u-na (Tischler, HEG II: 5-11).

Ad 69-81: *dei- 'hell sein, scheinen' - Add Venetic acc. pl. deivos (Lejeune 1974: 332). The oldest known attestation of the Germanic stem *teiwa- appears in the inscription B on the helmet from Negau/Zenjak (c. 55 B.C.): Harigasti teiva (Markey 2001: 118f.; on the older interpretations - see the monograph of Nedoma 1995).

Ad 86-99: dhegh-om- 'Erde' - Interesting is that the attractive idea of Villar (1993: 469) on Celtiberian tamai 'in the place' < *ghdhomai, quoted by Wodtko in MLH V, 360, does not appear in NIL, although she (Wodtko) is the sole author of this lemma.

Ad 118-119: *dheigh- 'bestreichen, kneten' - Add Tocharian A tsek-, B tsik- 'to fashion, shape, build', cf. the compound in B lwaksätsaika 'potter', consisting of lwäke 'pot, vessel' and tsaika 'shaper' (Adams, EIEC 649; Id. 1999: 563, 738, 742).

Ad 139-153: *genH1- 'erzeugen' - Brugmann (1906: 512-513) identified the Bal-to-Slavic derivational suffix *-zni-/-znä-?, which can represent a grammaticalization of the verbal root *genH1-: Latvian puznis 'Fauliges, Eiterndes, Lagerstätte eines Tieres', pl. puznes 'Modererde' : put 'faulen, lange schlafen', Lithuanianp«ti 'faulen, modern, verfallen' (Fraenkel 1962-1965: 680-681), and Old Church Slavonic bojaznb 'Furcht' : bojati sq, boleznb 'Krankheit' : boleti, ziznb 'Leben' : ziti, besides ukorizna 'Verunglimpfung' : ukoriti. Maybe such Prussian verbal abstract nouns as au-müsnä 'Abwaschung', biäsnä 'Furcht', et-skisnä 'Auferstehung', maitäsnä 'Nahrung', teiküsnä 'Ordnung' belong here too, but the German orthography does not allow one to recognize *s from expected *z < Baltic *z < IE *g(h). The velar starting point is confirmed by the corresponding Latin suffix -Vgo, gen. -Vginis, e.g.plantägo 'Wegerich', melligo 'Bienenharz', asperügo 'Klebekraut'. Interesting is the correspondence of the preceding vowel between Old Church Slavonic *-aznb/*-iznb/*-eznb and Latin -ägo / -igo / -ügo.

Ad 162-169: *ghéi-om-, *gh(i)i-ém-, *ghi-m- 'Winter, Schnee' - Add Old Low Franco-nian ingimus 'porcus anniculus' (Lex Salica 23.3, 24.2; cf. 23.6: ingimus suaini) < *oino-ghimo- 'one-winter-old' (Pokorny 1959: 426).

Ad 174-175: *g„eH2- 'den Fuss aufsetzen, treten' - Add Slavic *gatb / *gath 'dam' < *g„a-ti- /-tu- (ESSJ 6: 108-109).

Ad 175-177: *guem- '(wohin) gehen, kommen' - Add Avestan aifîigama- 'winter', also 'year', cf. with the prefix *ham- Old Persian *hangama-, Middle Persian hangam, Persian he/ingam 'time' (Horn 1893: 248, #1109; Benveniste 1956: 34), all from *-g„omo- with the lengthening in agreement with Brugmann's law.

Ad 177-185: *guen-, *g„on- 'Frau' - The inclusion of Tocharian A kuli, B kl(y)iye 'woman' is based on the ad hoc assumption of the dissimilation n...n > l... n. There is an easier solution, deriving the Tocharian lexeme from < *gleH2ui-H1en- 'daughter-in-law' (Blazek 2005: 92-100).

Ad 185-189: *guieH3- 'leben' - Add Hittite kuuitta- 'a kind of a bread' (Van Windekens 1989: 334-335; Puhvel IV: 315).

Ad 189-195: *guôu- 'Kuh, Rind' - The regular Latin continuant may be identified in vacca 'cow', as already Stokes (1894: 178) suggested, comparing it with Brittonic *boukka 'cow'. The geminate *-kk- appears in other animal names as well: e.g. Welsh hwch, moch. Testen (1999: 161-164) derives it from *-p$-, the zero-grade of *pek(u)- 'cattle'. The untrivial development in the Latin vocalism has probably an analogy in Latin canis 'dog' from *kuano < *kwnnV. The loss of -u- is generally accepted in caseus 'cheese' vs. Old Church Slavonic kvash 'leaven'. This solution eliminates the traditional comparison of vacca with Sanskrit vasa- 'cow'.

Ad 208-220: *H1ed- 'essen' - Smoczynski (1992: 209-211) reconstructs Balto-Slavic *au-od-os 'insect, mosquito' as the ablaut variant formed from the complex *au-ëd- with the prefix *au- 'away, out' and the root *ed-, cf. Latin uëscor.

Ad 230-233: *H1ékuo- 'Pferd' - Add Albanian sasë 'horsetail rush / Equisetum spp.' < *ekuo-ghatid or *-satio, where the second component is reconstructed after Greek cai-th 'hair, lock' or Latin saeta 'bristle', in both cases with metathesis characteristic for Albanian (Huld 2004: 193). With regard to this example and others of the type Lithuanian asvôk(s)lé, -is, asôkliai, esoklé 'Johannisbeere' : asvà, also esvà (Bretkun) 'Stute', German Rossbeere, dial. also perdsbier (Fraenkel 1962-1965: 19), Gothic aihta-tundi 'bramble, prickly bush', lit. *'horse-tooth', i.e. 'horse-thorn' (Lehmann 1986: 15), Latin equi-saetum 'Equisetum' [Pliny XVIII: 259], lit. 'mane of a horse' (André 1985: 95), it may also be promising to seek a Slavic equivalent among plant names. There are even two hypothetical candidates:

(i) Slavic *sverëph > Croatian sverepek 'Festuca, Aegilops', Czech sverep 'Bromus', Polish swierzop 'Raphanus', swierzepa 'Sisymbrium', swierzepia rôza 'dog-rose', Russian svirepa 'Raphanus', svirépka, Ukrainian svyripa 'Beta, Erysimum'; also in the function of the adj. 'wild growing', hence 'wild': Old Church Slavonic sverëpb 'agpioç' (Supr.), Bulgarian svirep, Slovenian sverêp, Czech sverepy, Old Russian sverëph, Russian svirépyj. Machek (1954: 286; 1968: 595) thought that Slavic *sverëph consisted of the reflexive pos-

sessive *svo- (with assimilation in -e- under influence of *-ë-) and the root *rëp-, which he also identifies in Bulgarian repej, Old Czech rëpi 'burdock / Arctium', Russian repéj 'fruit of burdock, Agrimonia, Xanthium', ukr. repyk 'Agrimonia' etc., all from Slavic *rëpbje or its derivates (Machek 1968: 530). The compound *svo-rëp\> proposed by Machek can reflect original *(e)svo-rëpb 'horse's burdock', which was after the replacement of the hypothetical Slavic *esvo- reinterpreted according to a formally similar reflexive. The loss of the initial vowel has analogy e.g. in Prussian sweikis 'Pflugpfert' (EV 432), derivable from *asveikïs (Maziulis IV: 172). At the Salzburg idg. Tagung (September 2008) Michiel de Vaan elegantly explained Greek ïnnoç / ïkkoç 'horse' as a continuant of the zero-grade *H1$u-, and the same formation is to be expected in compounds. A connection of the hypothetical component *(e)svo- in the compound *sverëpb just with the meaning 'horse' can be documented, e.g. thanks to its Czech dial. equivalent koñsky repícek (South Bohemia) 'horse's Agrimonium' = Russian repij dikij. Further it is necessary to mention Church Slavonic > Rumunian sireáp, arch. svireáp 'rampant (on a horse)' (BER 6: 554), Czech sverep(ec) 'breeding stallion', Old Polish swierzepic 'equus admissarius', borrowed into Prussian sweriapis 'KeynhegeJt' (EV 431; Smoczyñski (2000: 104) deems that this meaning replaced the meaning of the entry EV 430 sirgis swierzepa (1441),

swierzopa (1494) 'mare', etc.

(ii) Czech svízel 'Galium' vs. svinízel 'Hyoseris' (Machek 1954: 219, 231 otherwise) allows one to separate the latter component forming both phytonyms: *zelb 'grass, vegetation, plant' (cf. Slovenian zel, Slovak zel', Old Russian zelb - see Machek 1968: 714). If svinírepresents the possessive adj. from the word svinë 'sow', it is attractive to think about an analogous motivation also in the case of the former component *sví-. With regard to the preceding arguments it is legitimate to think about a hypothetical starting point *(e)svo-*'horse'.

Ad 245-246: *H1leutt- 'steigen, wachsen' - Add Greek 'E1eu0ia 'goddess connected with a childbirth' and further Gaulish loudin in the Calendar of Coligny, where it appears in the formulationprinni lovdin about the matu-months. The word lovdin has to correspond with Breton luziañ 'emmêler' (RIG III, 426; Delamarre 2001: 213-214), but if the determination of the function and etymology of laget in the parallel formulation prinni laget 'dimi-nushing tree' is correct, for lovdin it is natural to expect the opposite meaning, i.e. 'growing, rising' (Olmsted 2001: 37).

Ad 311-317: *H2ep- 'Wasser, Fluss' - Add Lusitanian *abnis, attested as the theonym Abne in dat. sg. (Prosper 1997: 274-277). The oronym Abnoba /Abnova can alternatively be interpreted as the case in *-bh- (cf. Hamp 1972: 35: *abn(o)bho), probably the instr. pl., in the case of the Celtic origin perhaps *moniios abnobi 'mountain [rich] by rivers' (cf. Old Irish dat. pl. aibnib < *abenobi, from a(u)b 'river'), with regard to the fact that it is the area of the source of the Danube. In his writings De nuptiis Mercurii et Philologiae [VI, 662] Martianus Capella (5th cent. AD) informed us about 60 streams from the slopes of the Abnoba mountain whose confluence is called Danuvius: Hister fluvius ortus in Germania de cacumine montis Abnobae sexaginta amnes absumens, etiam Danuvius vocitatur.

Ad 317-322: *H2erg- 'weiss, hellglänzend, (blitz-)schnell' - Add Lithuanian árskus

'clear, bright', e.g. in àrskus rytas 'bright morning' (LKZ 1: 312) < *arz-k- or *arz-s/sk-(Karaliunas 1994: 166-171; Hamp 1997: 24).

Ad 357-367: *H2ues- '(morgens) hell werden' - Add the extension in -l- (see BlaZek 2006): Greek eœloç 'of the morning, of the morrow' < *H2(e)uos-lo-; Welsh gwyll 'twilight' < *H2ueslio- (Hamp 1980: 213); 'Sabine' *ausel, reconstructed by Kretschmer (Glot-ta 13, 1924, 111; Glotta 14, 1925, 310; see also Benveniste 1935: 43) on the basis of He-sychius' gloss aÙK»1œç • eœç 0no Tupphvrôv, corrected in *aùsh1o, cf. Etruscan usil(-s) 'sun', uslane 'at noon', and the theonym Usil(-s), Usil(-s) 'God of Sun' (Bonfate 1983: 146; d'Aversa 1994: 57), probably of Osco-Umbrian origin, and the ethnonym Auselii = Aurelii by Paul. Fest. 23 (Walde & Hofmann 1938: 86) < *H2eusel°. Further Albanian: North Geg (already Blanchus/Bardhi 1635) hyll, def. -i, pl. hyje, pl. of dim. hullij, besides other early records as uill (Buzuku 1555) etc., further East Geg uj, uvill, ydh; South Geg yll, def. -i, pl. yj etc. 'star' (Hamp 1963: 62; Huld 1983: 132; Demiraj 1997: 206).

Ad 436-440: *$(u)uôn-, *$un-, *$un- - According to Plato [Kratylos 410] Phrygians used almost the same word for xàç KÛvaç, i.e. 'dogs' (cf. Haas 1966: 166).

Ad 440-444: *kor-o- 'Krieg', *kor-io- 'Männerbund', *kor-io-H3n-o- 'Herrscher' -Orel (1997: 40, 191, 438) added Old Phrygian nom. sg. act. part. kuryaneyon (façade among rocks, West Phrygia; VII-VI cent. B.C.) and dat. pl. xuriienois (Gordion; V cent. B.C.)

Ad 450: *legh- 'leicht, gering, klein' - Add Gaulish laget from the Calendar of Coligny, in the formulationprinni laget used about the anmatu-months, lit. perhaps 'diminishing tree' (RIG III: 426; Delamarre 2001: 213-214; Olmsted 2001: 36).

Ad 482-485: *meld- 'weich werden' - The bases of such personal names as Venetic moldon0 and Messapic moldahia-/moldatdehia- has been included here (Lejeune 1974: 163, §185).

Ad 496-497: *mois- 'Schaffell' - Witczak (2003: 148) supplements Phrygian gloss m© • npoßaxa . Fpûgeç (Hesych.), proposing as the starting point the nom. pl. ntr. *maisa.

Ad 504-513: *negu- 'dunkel werden, dämmern' - Latin niger 'black' (p. 506, fn. 1) has the closest counterpart in Tocharian B nakre 'darkness' (Adams 1999: 264).

Ad 540-545: *péH2ur, *p(e)H2uer/n- 'Feuer' - A continuant in Latin may be identified in Latin sulpur 'sulphur', if it is analyzed as a compound of the verbal root *suel- 'to burn, singe' & *pür 'fire'. The Germanic counterpart *swelblaz (with two l after schwelfel attested in the modern High German dialect called Upper Palatinate) can reflect older *swel-f(V)l-, dissimilated from *swel-fVr-. The designation of 'sulphur' motivated by 'fire' occurs e.g. in Old English cwic-fyr (cf. Mann 1984-1987: 1016, 1344). According to Plato [Kratylos 410] Phrygians used almost the same word for nàp, i.e. 'fire' (cf. Haas 1966: 170, 229). Witzak (1991-1992: 157-162) thinks that it is possible to identify the real Phrygian designation of 'fire' (or 'God of fire') in the word noup in the New Phrygian inscription from Baglica in Western Phrygia, while e.g. Haas (1966: 109) translated it as the preposition 'for'.

Ad 586-590: *sal- 'Salz' - Watkins (1997: 34) identified the Anatolian cognate in the Hittite toponym HURSAG Saliwana/i 'the mountain Salt rock'.

Ad 680-683: *suésor-/*suesr- 'Schwester' - Add Old Runic (Opedal stone, Hordaland, Norway; 350 A.D.) swestar 'sister' (Antonsen 1975: 40).

Ad 717-722: *ueid- 'erblicken' or ad 707-15: *ued- 'Wasser' - It is possible to add Latin vitrum 'glass' < *uidro-, lit. 'pellucid, translucent', although Szemerényi (1989: 24f) offered an attracrive alternative solution *uedro- 'water-like', cf. Ossetic Iiron avg, Digor avgœ 'glass' < *apaka-, similarly Persian abgma 'glass, crystal' (also ab-i xusk 'glass, crystal', lit. 'dry water'), Middle Persian apakënak, Sogdian ''pkyn-, ''pkyn'k 'crystal'. This Iranian designation of 'glass' penetrated in non-Iranian languages: Armenian ap'ak'i 'glass, crystal', Kabardinian-Cherkessian abg, yabg, apks 'glass, cup'; Hungarian üveg, éveg 'glass' (Abaev I: 84-85).

Ad 707-715: *ued- 'Wasser' - According to Plato [Kratylos 410] Phrygians used almost the same word for Û8œp, i.e. 'water'. The existence of the Phrygian word should be confirmed by the place-name Ta "YSp^la on the Upper Maiandros (cf. Haas 1966: 172, 229).


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This study was prepared in cooperation with the Centre for the Interdisciplinary Research of Ancient Languages and Older Stages of Modern Languages (MSM 0021622435) at Masaryk University, Brno, and thanks to the grant No. IAA901640805. The reviewer would like to express his gratitude to John D. Bengtson for his revision of the text.

Allatum die 4 mensis Februarii anno 2009

Vaclav Blazek

Masaryk University, Brno Czech Republic