Scholarly article on topic 'Semantics and Pragmatics of Non-Canonical Word Order in South Asian Languages: <Verb-Left> of lag- ‘Begin’ as an Attitude-Marker in Hindi-Urdu'

Semantics and Pragmatics of Non-Canonical Word Order in South Asian Languages: <Verb-Left> of lag- ‘Begin’ as an Attitude-Marker in Hindi-Urdu Academic research paper on "Languages and literature"

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Lingua Posnaniensis
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Academic research paper on topic "Semantics and Pragmatics of Non-Canonical Word Order in South Asian Languages: <Verb-Left> of lag- ‘Begin’ as an Attitude-Marker in Hindi-Urdu"


lingua posnaniensis

DOI: 10.2478M0122-011-0010-9

Lili (2)

semantics and pragmatics of non-canonical word order in south asían languages: <verb-left> of lag-'begin' as an attitude-marker in hindi-urdu1

peter edwin hook

Abstract: Peter Edwin Hook. Semantics and Pragmatics of Non-canonical Word Order in South Asian Languages: <Verb-left> of lag- 'begin' as an Attitude-marker in Hindi-Urdu. Lingua Posnaniensis, vol. LIII (2)/2011. The Poznan Society for the Advancement of the Arts and Sciences. PL ISSN 0079-4740, ISBN 978-83-7654-173-0, pp. 25-34.

This paper examines possible motivations for departures from canonical clause-final word order observed for the finite verb in Hindi-Urdu and other modern Indo-Aryan languages. Depiction of speaker attitude in Premchand's novel godan and the imperatives of journalistic style in TV newscasts are shown to be prime factors. The emergence of V-2 word-order in Kashmiri and other Himalayan languages may have had a parallel history.

Peter Edwin Hook, Universities of Michigan and Virginia

It is generally recognized that in most South Asian languages the finite verb comes last in its clause:

(1) jhuniya2 ne pith me ghüüsa jamaya

Jhuniya Erg3 Gobar's back in light punch delivered

'Jhuniya gave Gobar a playful punch in the back.' (godan, 51.37)4

Again, as in other South Asian languages, the most common order in formal Hindi-Urdu has complements to the left and the verbs governing them to their right. In colloquial speech, however, we sometimes find instances of what I shall call 'verb-left'; that is, occurrences of

1 This paper, first presented on 22 June 2002 at the 22nd meeting of the South Asian Languages Roundtable at the University of Iowa, has been hibernating since. I am grateful to Krzysztof Stronski for encouraging me to bring it up to date and into print.

2 The transcription system for Hindi and Garhwali is based on one that is in general use in the Indo-Aryan linguistics literature. In it contrastive length in vowels is shown by a macron, nasality in vowels is shown by a tilde, the retroflexion of apical stops and flaps is shown by a sublinear dot and the palatal fricative is represented by an ess with a hacek: /s/; the dental affricate of Marathi, by /6"/. Long nasal consonants are represented by doubling the tilded symbol: /aa, /«, /üü/. The palatalization of consonants in Kashmiri is represented by /y/. This /y/ fronts and raises a following /i, i/ and /e, e)/ (which otherwise are high back unrounded and central mid unrounded vowels respectively).

3 Abbreviations used in this paper include: Abl - ablative, Dat - dative, Emph - emphasis, Erg - ergative, Gen - genitive, Ger - gerund, Hab - habitual, Inf - infinitive, Obl - oblique, PP - postpositional phrase, Pres -present tense, Sbjnctv - subjunctive.

4 The quotations from godan [identified by page and then line number] collate with the 1970 Saraswati Press edition.

finite verbs somewhere to the left of their complements. The inceptive auxiliary lag 'begin' seems especially likely to occur in this position:

(2) lage auro ki.tarah tum bhi caplusi kar-ne begun.2plM others like you too flattery do-Inf

'There you go, just like the others, trying to flatter me.' (Premchand's godan, 51.38)

Other verbs, too, in particular those taking oblique infinitival complements, may show 'verb-left';

(3) ghar-ke parani rat-din mare aur dane-dane-ko tarase, latta bhi house-'s beings night-day die.Sbjnctv and grain-grain-Dat yearn.Sbjnctv cloth too

pahan-ne-ko mayassar na ho aura ajuli-bhar rupae le.kar cala hai izzat baca-ne! put.on-Inf-Dat present not be and hands-full rupees taking set.out is honor save-Inf

aisi bari hai teri izzat! ghar me cuhe lote, vah bhi izzat-vala hai! so great is your honor whose house in mice roll he too honor-person is

'His family members suffer day and night and are dying for even a crust to eat. Not a scrap of clothing in the house and off he goes with a fistful of money to preserve his honor! How great your honor is! Mice are frolicking in your house and you're a man of honor!' (godan 115.30-2)

The conventionally sarcastic presentational expression bara aya V-ne-vala discussed in Hook & Jain (2002: 369) is also subject to verb-left:

(4) bara aya ghar me! (McGregor 1993: 700) big came house in resider

'He thinks he's a great man (now that he has - or when he is in - his) house!'

Why do speakers place finite forms of lag- 'begin' and other verbs to the left of their complements? In (2), (3), and (4) the speaker is mocking the subject. In (5) the speaker's attitude is explicitly indicated:

(5) datadin cale gae to gobar-ne aakho-se dekh-kar kaha Datadin moved went then Gobar-Erg contemptuous eyes-with look-ing said

[gaye the devata-ko mana-ne!] (godan 221.17)

gone was god-Dat persuade-Inf.Obl

'After Datadin left Gobar said with a look of contempt, "So he'd gone to persuade God!"'

In this paper I (A) identify and explore the pragmatic uses of verb-left in Hindi, (B) attempt to determine if there is a statistically valid correlation between verb-left and these pragmatic conditions, (C) look [briefly] at verb-left in headline Hindi, (D) examine verb-left from a typological point of view, and (E) briefly consider how verb-left may be a precursor of the verb's non-clause-final position found in Garhwali, Kochi, Kotgarhi, and other Indo-Aryan languages spoken in the Sub-Himalayan regions to the north and west of Delhi.

A. Is mockery or derision always present in instances of verb-left? In Premchand's godan there are 314 tokens of inceptive lag-. Of these 17, or a bit over 5%, come to the left of their complements.5 They can be classified under a variety of pragmatic or attitudinal headings.

5 It is striking that over half the instances (9 out of 17) of the verb lag- 'begin' occurring to the left of its infinitival complement come in the first one seventh (50 pages out of 350) of Premchand's novel godan. What

(6) Mockery or derision:

a. lagâhàthjor-ne, pairopar-ne 50.39 '...began to clasp his hands and fall at (their) feet.'

b. aur lagâ hay-hay kar-ne 51.2 '.and began to clamor and lament.'

c. lagâ hath jor-ne 51.12 '.began to clasp his hands (in supplication)'

d. lage ghur-ne, châffplt-ne 51.32 See (15)

e. lage auro kl tarah tum bhl caplusl kar-ne 51.37 See (2)

f. lagepasto me galiyaa de-ne 76.13 '.began swearing in Pashto.'

g. ââdhl kl tarah harharate hue bag me pahùc-kar lage lalkar-ne 269.10 'Howling like a hurricane he reached the garden and began uttering challenges.'

(7) Censure, reproach, reproval:

a. lagte ho kos-ne 8.18 See (17)

b. lagâ apnlgharvallkl buralkar-ne 22.26 '.began bad-mouthing his wife.'

c. aur upar .se lage bhunbhuna-ne 23.7 '.and on top of that began to complain.'

d. ghaslttâ hua alag le ja-kar lagâ late jama-ne 33.2 '.dragged her away and began kicking.'

(8) Depiction of naïveté: The subject is presented as excessively ignorant, rustic, or childish:

a. lagtlpuch-ne 29.3 'She would have begun asking.'

b. lage puch-ne 102.12 'They began to ask.'

c. lage nirakh-ne 308.21 'They began to gawk.'

(8b) aur lage puch-ne - kis-ne mara bapu? kaise mara, kahaa mara,

and began ask-Inf.Obl who-Erg killed "Father" how killed where killed

kaise goll lagl, kahââ lagl, isl ko kyo lagl, aur hirano-ko kyo na lagl? how bullet hit where hit this Dat why hit other deer-Dat why not hit

'.and (the children) began peppering them with questions - "Who killed it, Bapu? How did he kill it? where did he kill it? How did the bullet hit? where did it hit? why did it hit this one? Why didn't it hit other ones?"' (godan 102.12)

(8c) tab-tak gàà balako-ne a.kar in dono admiyo-ko gher liya

then-by village's children-Erg coming these two men-Dat surround took

aur lage nirakh-ne, mano ciriya.ghar-ke anokhe jantu a gaye ho.

and began stare-Inf as.if zoo-Gen strange animals come went 3pl.Sbjnctv

'By then the village children had gathered around both men and begun gaping at them as if two strange animals had come from the zoo.' (godan 308.21)

(9) Residue: Example (9a) might possibly go with the preceding class or under (7). But there is still need for a "residual" category to accommodate examples like (9b) in which the clausal subject is not [+human], (although the victim of the action described in (9b) is a person whom the narrator disdains.)

a. jhuniya lagl ghabara-ne 122.15 jhuniya began to get frightened.'

b. lage do-tarflkorepar-ne (candrakanta 1.08.054) 'Lashes began to fall right and left.'

On the basis of the evidence found in Premchand's godan the kinds of inceptive situations in which verb-left does not occur include:

might possibly be explanations for this asymmetry? One possibility is that the author used verb-left to characterize the spirited exchanges among the rural characters (Hori, Dhaniya, Gobar, Jhuniya, Rupa, Sona) with whom he clearly had more sympathy than he did with the urban ones (Malati, Mehta, Khanna, Mirza, etc.) who appear later in the novel and are less vividly developed. Or it may be that the later more prosaic style may reflect fatigue and growing pressure on the author to finish.

(10) Situations or events that do not depend on human will or action:

(10a) havâ-më garmi â-ne lagi thi

atmosphere-in heat come-Inf begun was

'Heat had begun to suffuse the air.' (godân 9.7)

(10b) sâri deh dhal gayi thi ... aur ââkhô-se bhi kam sujh-ne laga tha

whole body collapse went was and eyes-with too less appear-Inf began was 'Her whole body had run down ... and her eyesight had begun to worsen.' (godân 7.29)

(11) Neutral description of situations or events that do depend on human will or action:

(11a) gobar-ne baniye-se lota mââgâ aur pâni khllc-ne laga.

Gobar-Erg baniya-from vessel asked.for and waterdraw-Inf began

'Gobar asked the Baniya for his pot and began to draw water.' (godan 25.34)

(12) Although relevant data are scarce, it seems that clauses whose subjects refer to indefinite or non-specific entities (be they [+human] or [-human]) also do not permit verb-left:

(12a) ... aur len.dâr cârô taraf-se noc-ne lag.te haï

and creditors all.four sides-from snatch-Inf start Pres.3pl '...and creditors come out of the woodwork and start grabbing.' (godan 38.1)

(13) Another condition on verb-left of lag- is that its occurrence seems to be restricted to root or matrix clauses. [See Ross (1973: 408-409) on the "Penthouse Principle".] When lag- occurs in //-clauses or when-clauses it is clause-final:

(13 a) asnân-pujâ kar-ne lag-e-ge to ghantô baithe bit jâ-y-gâ.

bath-puja perform-Inf begin-3p-Fut.M then hours.Obl sitting pass go-3sg-Fut.M 'Once he starts with his bath and puja I'll have to sit there waiting for hours.' (godân 7.9)

(13b) sarâb pi-ne lag-tttt, to vah prajâ.kâ rakt ho-gâ

alcohol drink-Inf begin-Sbjnctv then that people's blood be-Fut.M3sg

'If I start drinking, then I am consuming the blood of my subjects.' (godân 16.5)

B. Is verb-left always used when the speaker wishes to mock or deride? This question must be answered in the negative given pairs like (14) and (15) in each of which lag- has the same predicate as complement and the speaker's attitude seems equally censorious. Still, even though the predicate complements are identical and the situation and speaker's attitude are very similar, (15) has verb-left, while (14) does not:

(14) isi mare mal kuch pahan-ti-orh-ti nahïï. ghar-se nikli this.Emph because I something put.on-Hab-pull.on-Hab not house-from went.out to sabhi ghur-ne lag-te-haï, jaise kabhi koi mehariyâ dekhi na ho.

then all ogle-Inf begin-Hab-Pres as.if ever any woman seen not Sbjnctv 'That's why I never put on anything (special). Every time I go out of the house everybody starts staring, as if they'd never seen a young woman before.' (godân 245.38-9)

(15) na jane mardo.kl kya adat hai ki jahaa kol javan sundar aurat dekhl

not know men's what habit is that where some young beautiful woman saw

aur bas lage ghur-ne, chatl plt-ne. aur yah jo bare adml kahlate hai, and that' began ogle-înf breast beat-Inf and these who big men be.called are

ye to nire lampat hote.hai. these as.for pure womanizers are

'I don't know what's with these men. Whenever they see some young, pretty woman, that's it! They start staring and beating their chests. And the ones who are held in such high regard, they are womanizers pure and simple!' (godan 51.32-3)

Again, in (16) and (17) the complement of lag- is the same verb kos- 'berate, censure; curse ', although it is worth noting that (17) is a direct quote and (16) is not. It is (17) that has verb-left:

jab sab.log apne-apne ghar cale gaye, to dhaniya horl-ko kos-ne lagl--when everyone self's-self's home moved went then Dhaniya Hori-Dat curse-Inf began

tumhe kol lakh samjhaye, kar-o-ge apne man-kl

you.Dat someone 100,000 explain.Sbjnct do-2pl-FutMpl self's mind-Gen

'When everyone left for home, Dhaniya began to berate Hori, "No matter how many times you're told, you still go ahead and do what you've taken it into your head to do!"' (godan 109.8)

dhaniya-ne tiraskar kiya -- accha rah-ne do, mat asubh mùh-se

Dhaniya-Erg contempt did good stay-Inf let Neg inauspicious mouth-from

nikalo. tum-se kol acchl bat bhl kah-e, to lag-te ho kos-ne

bring.out you-to someone good thing too say-Sbjnctv then begin-Hab are curse-Inf

'Dhaniya said scornfully, "Okay, let's forget it. But don't say inauspicious things. Even if a person says something nice to you, you start cussing."' (godan 8.17-18)

To determine if there is a significant correlation between verb-left and the speaker attitudes listed in (6) through (8) it is necessary to evaluate each member of a sufficiently large random sample of tokens of inceptive lag-. For this purpose I have taken the first 52 instances of V-ne lag- in godan and sorted them into the categories (6) through (8) [censure or reproach, depiction of naïveté, condescension or depiction of naïveté, mockery, or derision] versus categories (10) through (13) [neutral description, inanimate or indefinite subject, f-clause and when-clause]:

Table 1. Tokens of lag- 'begin' in first fifty pages of godan. [See Appendix for full dataset.]

Type <lagleft > Example (address in Appendix) Number

Mockery or derision yes laga hath jor-ne... (2w) 5

no sir zamin par ragar-kar kah-ne laga: (2x) 1

Censure, reproach, reproval yes lagte ho kos-ne (1c) 3

no to phir naxre baghar-ne lage (iq) 4

Depiction of naïveté yes lagtipuch-ne, kisaki gay hai? (ip) 1

no aur uchal-uchal-kar yahi rat laga-ne lagl (1k) 2

f-clause no sarab pi-ne laguu, to vo praja ka rakt hoga (if) 5

when-clause no ... jab ham akash me ur-ne lagte hai (2g) 3

Inanimate or indefinite subject yes [none] 0

no hava me garmi a-ne laglthi. (id) 8

Neutral description or question yes [none] 0

no gobar use cakit netro se dekh-ne laga (2q) 20

Total 52

Distributing these fifty-two examples into a tetrachoric table that crosses [+verbleft] and [-verbleft] with [+mockery, censure, naïveté] versus [neutral attitudes] and applying the chi-squares test we find:

Table 2. Consolidated tokens of lag- 'begin' in the first fifty pages of godân

mockery, etc. neutral attitudes

[+verbleft] a. 9 b. 0

[-verbleft] c. 7 d. 36

, (ad - bc) (ad - bc) (a + b + c + d) 324 x 324 x 52 5,458,752

(20) X2 = - = - = - = 24.49

v ' (a + b)(c + d) (a + c) (b + d) 9 x 43 x 16 x 36 222,912

We conclude that the correlation of verb-left with derisive or censorial attitudes is a robust one even at a significance level of one hundredth of one per cent (p < 0.0001). (If X2 > 6.67, then p <.01).

C. Verb-left in headline Hindi. In print and electronic media it is becoming common to use verb-left as a way of creating snappy, attention-grabbing headlines. In them the intent may or may not be ironic:

(21) lohe-ne khaya bhâv; gahraya pey-jal-sankat iron-Erg ATE price deepened potable-water-peril

'Price of iron up; drinking water problem deeper.'


(22) jhuti sikâyat-par khai jel-ki havâ false complaint-on Ate jail-Gen air

'Sent to jail for making a false complaint.'


(23) vivek-ne kiya kis; kha.ya zor.dâr cântâ Vivek-Erg did kiss Ate powerful slap 'Vivek kissed (her); got slapped hard.'


Sometimes the same story contains a non-verb-left paraphrase further down in the report:

(24) (kis-ke) bâd vivek-ko vo zor.dâr cântâ par.â gùj puri pârti-mê sunâi.di kiss-Gen after Vivek-Dat that powerful slap fell whose echo whole party-in was.heard 'After the kiss he got the slap whose smacking sound was audible to everyone there.' [cf (23)]

D. Typological and morphosyntactic considerations. Leftward placement of the finite verbal element in Hindi-Urdu is not equally easy across all clause-types. For instance, while Hindi inceptives in lag- show the kind of non-canonical order defined by verb-left, permissives in de- 'let' (< de- 'give') do not display it (in godân 0 out of 81 opportunities), even though both govern the oblique form of the infinitive:

(25) vo apni qismat kos-ne laga (25 ) vo laga apni qismat kos-ne he self's fate curse-Inf began he began self's fate curse-Inf 'He began cursing his fate.'

(26) use apm qismat kos-ne do (26 ) (?) use do apm qismat kos-ne him self's fate curse-Inf let him let self's fate curse-Inf 'Let him curse his fate.'

In (25-25') and (26-26') we see that while the bound morphology on the infinitival complement is the same, yet due either to the semantics or the syntax (or both), the susceptibility to verb-left differs. In (27-27') and (28-28') [from Marathi], although the semantics and syntax are the same, a difference in the bound morphology on the complement affects susceptibility to verb-left:6

(27) to khate-ayla lagla (27) to lagla khate-ayla

he collapse-Inf.Dat began he began collapse-Inf.Dat

'He began to lose courage.'

(28) to khate-u lagla (28') 4 to lagla khate-u

he collapse-Inf began he began collapse-Inf

'He began to lose courage.'

E. While most South Asian languages have clause-final verb order not all of them have it in root clauses. Exceptions include Khasi (Masica 1976: 28), Kashmiri, Kochi, Kotgarhi and Garhwali. Kashmiri is V-2:7

(29) mye nyuv gari atsan-iy elan ker-yith I.Erg TooK home.Abl entering-Emph announcement do-Ger

'I made an announcement as soon as I entered the house.' (R.L. Shant 1985: p. 61)

Garhwali, Bangani and some other Indo-Aryan languages of Uttarakhand and HP display V-2 tendencies:

(30) tumhll bola: jhuth chau mal bol-nu? you speak false am I speak-ing

'You tell (me): Am I lying?' (Chatak 1976: 122)

Unlike in Hindi-Urdu, in Garhwali we encounter instances of verb-left which are at-titudinally neutral:

(31) silvara pakhau bi ab najar lhaigi thai ja-na damp valleys too now sun's glance begun was go-Inf

'Now the sun had begun to peer into damp gullies.' (Negi 1967: 2)

In the second half of a misrah from a famous ghazal by Mir we find the finite form of the aspectual auxiliary [aka "vector"] verb le 'TAKE' in second position with the non-finite element of the verb muud 'close' stranded at the end, a la root clauses in Kashmiri [cf (29)]:

(32) ahd-e-javanl ro-ro kata; [{plrl-mei]pp [lll] Aux [aakhe]m [mUUd]vp]s period-of-youth cry-cry spent old.age-in Took eyes close

'I passed my youth in agony; when age came I closed my eyes.' (Mir 1941: 4)

6 Thanks to Madhav Deshpande and Prashant Pardeshi for (identical) acceptability judgments on the Marathi data.

7 We assume V-2 word order in Kashmiri to be an innovation in Indo-Aryan that occurred sometime after the Vedic period. The normal pattern in Kashmiri (and one held to be unique to it: see Masica 1991: 336) appears to be geographically isolated. The other languages showing the V-2 pattern (Kishtawari, Shina of Gurez, Upper Poguli, Watali) are all spoken within or adjacent to the Kashmir Valley.


LP LUI (2)

One might ask if the Satzklammer in (32) is no more than an accidental or random occurrence in a full spectrum of variant word orders permitted by poetic licence. Or is it rather a statistically significant occurrence that identifies a specific alternative word order in some Indo-Aryan languages such as Hindi-Urdu (where it is limited to poetic discourse) but which has been generalized to all matrix clauses in Kashmiri? A perusal of Mir's corpus yielded no further instances of the V-2 order of (32) and most likely (32) is not a precursor of future changes in Hindi-urdu word order.

F. Conclusion. The leftward position of lag- and a few other predicates governing infinitival complements is recurrent in Hindi-urdu dialogue and demonstrably functions as a marker of a set of related attitudes. Even if only a stylistically marked feature, the presence of verb-left in Hindi-urdu provides a plausible starting point for the emergence of non-clause-final word order for the verb that may be similar if not parallel to what occurred in earlier times in the Indo-Aryan languages of the Himalayas.8


<lagleft> dataset from first fifty pages of Premchand's godan [Saraswati Press, 1970 edition].

1a. asnän-püjä kar-ne lagege to ... 7.9 [ = page 7, line 9] if- clause

1b. ääkho se bhl kam süjh-ne laga tha 7.29 inanimate subject

1c. lagte ho kos-ne 8.18 censure

1d. havä me garml ä-ne lagi thi 9.7 inanimate subject

1e. bholä par nashä carh-ne laga 10.14 censure

if. saräb pl-ne lagüü, to ... 16.5 if- clause

1g. aiyäslkar-ne lagüü, to phir kah-nä hlkyä 16.6 if- clause

ih. aur horl ke müh kl or täk-ne lage. 16.10 neutral description

ii. magar vahpacrä sunä-ne lagüü, to ... 17.8 if- clause

1j. gobar kuch shänt ho gayä aur cup-cäp cal-ne laga 19.11 neutral description

ik aur uchal-uchal-kar yahl rat lagä-ne lagi 9.36 depiction of naïveté

il. üpar se lage bhunbhunä-ne 23.7 censure or mild reproach

im. yä to calegl nahTT, yä calegl to daur-ne lagegi24.22 censure

in. räh me bäte ho-ne lagii 24.38 inanimate subject

io. gobar ne baniye se lotä määgä aurpänlkhTTc-ne laga 25.34 neutral description

ip. lagtipüch-ne, kisklgäy hai? 29.3 depiction of naïveté

iq. to phir naxre baghär-ne lage 29.8 censure or mild reproach

ir. becäre pahar-rät se kuttl kät-ne lagte 29.12 depiction of naïveté

is. gobar kähe ko jag-ne laga 29.35 neutral question

it. särä gääv täliyääplt-ne lagega ... 29.38 neutral description

iu. caudharl... bääs kät-ne laga 31.15 zneutral description

iv. ... sir, müh, plthpar ädhädhüdh jamä-ne lagi32.7 neutral description

8 In his recent three volume study on Himachali, Hendriksen reports on two intermediate cases: Kotgarhi

and Kochi. While neither shows a regular V-2 pattern, they have evolved to the point at which main and subordi-

nate clauses differ in word order and auxiliaries may separate from other parts of the verb: a) hyunda bassie ja gormi hoi (Kotgarhi)

winter after GOES summer become 'After winter comes summer.' (Hendriksen 1986: 186)

He also reports that relative clauses in Kochi show a greater tendency to have the finite verbal element in clause-final position than do matrix clauses (1986: 188). This is another feature characteristic of Kashmiri V-2. See Hook & Koul (1996).

1w. caudharl qasme kha-khakar apm safal de-ne lagâ 32.20 neutral description

1x. aurghaslt-ta huä alag le ja-kar lagâ latëjamä-ne 33.2 censure

1y. hlra ko udartapürvak samjha-ne lagâ 33.22 neutral description

1z. ... aurprithvlkääp-ne lagti hai. 34.30 inanimate subject

2a. dhaniyapati kophatkar-ne lagi. 35.40 neutral description

2b. ... aur ek cilam bharkarpl-ne lagâ. 37.23 neutral description

2c. ... aur len-dar card noc-ne lagte haï 38.1 indefinite subject

2d. horljab kam-dhandhe se chuttl pakar cilamplne lagtâ thâ to ... 38.7 when-clause

2e. dhaniya aur hon dond gay bäädh-ne ka prabandh kar-ne lage. 38.29 neutral description

2f. take kl nayl topl sir par rakh-kar jab ham akar-ne lagte haï 40.23 when-clause

2g. zara der ke lie kisl savarlpar baithkar jab ham akash me ur-ne lagte haï. when-clause

2h. rüpa ne ... kaha -- ammää kl, aur häs-ne lagi42.6 neutral description

2i. hon bahar khatpar baith-kar cilam pl-ne lagâ, to ... 43.3 neutral description

2j. aurkalkoyahlgay düdh de-ne lagegi, to ... 43.9 if- clause

2k. horl thithakgaya aur unkl bate sun-ne lagâ. 43.19 neutral description

2l. aur vah jala hua tambakü pl-ne lagâ 43.48 neutral description

2m baild ke pas jakar unhe sahala-ne lagâ, 44.6 neutral description

2n. use apne appar krodh a-ne lagâ 45.16 inanimate subject

2o. card or se hlra par baucharpar-ne lagi 46.47 inanimate subject

2p. horl ne dääta -- phir kyd bak-bak kar-ne lagi tü! 47.14 censure

2q. gobar use cakit netrd se dekh-ne lagâ. 48.27 neutral description

2r. sara gääv kääv-kääv kar-ne lagegâ. 48.38 neutral description

2s. merl chatl dhak-dhak kar-ne lagi. 50.30 inanimate subject

2t. lagâ hath jor-ne, paird par-ne: 50.39 mockery

2u. ... aur 10-10 ke 5 not nikal-kar mere hathd me de-ne lagâ 50.43 neutral description

2v. sirpakar-kar baith gaya aur lagâ hay-hay kar-ne. 51.2 derision

2w. lagâ hath jor-ne. 51.12 derision

2x. sir zamln par ragar-kar kah-ne lagâ: 51.14 derision

2y. jahää kol javan sundar aurat dekhl aur bas lage ghür-ne, chatlplt-ne 51.32 derision

2z. lage aurd kl tarah tum bhl caplüsl kar-ne 51.37 mockery


primary sources

Chatak Govind. 1976. ghät (Murder). In: gär myate ki gangä. A.B. Bahuguna, Ed. New Delhi: Alaknanda

Prakashan. 120-125. Ghildiyal Durgaprasad. 1981. gäri (Pebbles). New Delhi: published by the author. godän. See Premchand. Khattri Devakinandan. 1892. candrakäntä.

Mir Taqi Mir. 1941. kulliyät. Abdul Bari Asi, Ed. Lucknow: Naval Kishor Press.

Negi Mohanlal. 1967. joni par chäpu kilai? (Why are there spots on the moon?). Tihri: by author?

Premchand [alias Dhanpat Rai]. 1936. godän. (The Gift of a Cow). Allahabad: Saraswati Press. (Pagination from

1970 edition). Webtext at Shant Ratan Lal. 1985. säyikal (The bicycle). In Sheeraza 22, 2, 57-63.

secondary sources

Deshpande Madhav, Hook Peter E. (eds.). 2002. Indian Linguistic Studies: Festschrift in honour of George Cardona. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Gambhir Vijay. 1981. Syntactic Restrictions and Discourse Functions of Word Order in Standard Hindi. University of Pennsylvani. PhD dissertation. Hendriksen Hans. 1986. Himachali Studies III: Grammar. Kjabenhavn: Munksgaard.



Hook Peter E., Jain Kusum. 2002. "How to be Sarcastic in Hindi-Urdu." In: Deshpande & Hook 2002: 365-373. Hook Peter E., Koul Omkar N. 1996. "Kashmiri as a V-2 Language." In: Lakshmi & Mukherjee 1996: 95-105. Lakshmi V.S., Mukherjee Aditi (eds.). 1996. Word Order in Indian Languages. Hyderabad: Centre of Advanced

Study in Linguistics, Osmania. Masica Colin P. 1976. Defining a Linguistic Area: South Asia. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Masica Colin P. 1991. The Indo-Aryan Languages. Cambridge University Press. McGregor R.S. 1993. The Oxford Hindi-English Dictionary. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Ross John R. 1973. "The Penthouse Principle and the Order of Constituents." In: You Take the High Node and I'll

Take the Low Node: Papers from the Comparative Syntax Festival. Chicago: CLS, 397-422. Russell Ralph, Islam Khurshidul. 1968. Three Mughal Poets. Cambridge: Harvard Univ Press.

Allatum die 18 mensis Decembris anno 2011