Scholarly article on topic 'Diseases, health status, and mortality in urban and rural environments: The case of Catholics and Lutherans in 19th-century Greater Poland'

Diseases, health status, and mortality in urban and rural environments: The case of Catholics and Lutherans in 19th-century Greater Poland Academic research paper on "Social and economic geography"

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Academic research paper on topic "Diseases, health status, and mortality in urban and rural environments: The case of Catholics and Lutherans in 19th-century Greater Poland"

Diseases, health status, and mortality in urban and rural environments: The case of Catholics and Lutherans in 19th-century Greater Poland

Grazyna Liczbinska

Institute of Anthropology, Adam Mickiewicz University, Umultowska 89, 61-614 Poznan, Poland; E-mail: grazyna@amu.edu.pl

ABSTRACT The aim of the study is to show in the mortality measures calculated for Catholics and Lutherans from 19th-century Greater Poland: 1) stratification dependent on the size of place of residence, 2) stratification dependent on religious denomination in population centres of various size. The data on mortality are drawn from Catholic and Lutheran parish death registers: from Poznan (the poor Catholic St. Margaret's Parish, the wealthy St. Mary Magdalene's Parish, and the Lutheran Holy Cross Parish), small towns such as Leszno (the Lutheran Holy Cross Parish) and Kalisz (the Catholic St. Joseph's Parish) as well as the rural Lutheran parish of Trzebosz and the Catholic parish of Dziekanowice. Stratification in the causes of death and mortality measures among Catholics and Lutherans from 19th-century Greater Poland depends on the size of their places of residence and broadly understood ecological conditions. Smaller deleterious effects of the environment were observed in the rural areas and small towns and, therefore, a relationship between death rate values and religious denominations is more visible in these than in Poznan. The cultural benefits accruing to the Lutherans and Catholics living in 19th century Poznan were insufficient to reduce the high infant death rate.

KEY WORDS: death registers, rural/urban differences, religious differences, mortality level

It is commonly known that social stratification as measured by the size of a place of residence, degree of urbanization and industrialization, and wealth status, influenced the biological dynamics of human populations, and is reflected in health status, physical growth and biodemographic parameters. Such phenomenon has been observed with regard to historical and mod-

Received 20 September 2010; accepted 23 December 2010 DOI: 10.2478/v10044-008-0019-z © 2010 Polish Anthropological Society

ern populations [e.g., Preston et al. 1981; Bielicki & Welon 1982; Bielicki et al. 1988; Bogin 1988; Hulanicka et al. 1990; Preston & Haines 1991; Schofield & Reher 1991; Budnik & Liczbinska 2005, 2006; van Poppel et al. 2005]. Recently, religious denomination as a factor impacting on demographic behaviour has also been observed in the historical and contemporary

world [Fauman & Mayer 1969, Leviatan & Cohen 1985, Friedlander et al. 1986, van Poppel 1992, Kark et al. 1996, McQuillan

1999, Wolleswinkel-van den Bosch et al.

2000, 2001, van Poppel et al. 2002, Kem-kes-Grottenthaler 2003].

Urban - Rural Differences in Mortality

There is much evidence showing the negative influence of urbanization on mortality measures and health status in historical Europe. In England and Wales, the values of life expectancy at birth were observed to be lower and infant death rates higher in cities than in rural areas [Woods et. al 1988, 1989; Burnett 1991]. Urban and rural differences in the e0 parameter and death rate values to the disadvantage of the former were observed in 19th-century Norway [Haines 1991]. A high frequency of deaths was also recorded in large 19th-century French cities: Paris, Lyon and Marseille [Preston & van den Walle 1978]. The same was true of Berlin, London, Liverpool and Manchester [Knodel 1974, Burnett 1991, Landers 1993], and in the Polish cities of Poznan [Bud-nik & Liczbinska 2005, 2006; Liczbinska 2009a,b] and Gdansk [Budnik & Liczbinska 1997, Liczbinska 1999, Budnik 2005]. In Germany at the beginning of the 20th century, urban infant mortality in the summer months was found to be higher than in rural areas [Vögele 1998]. In Sweden, higher rates were noted among town children than among country ones [Johansson 2004].

Differences between urban and rural localities were also recorded in respect of causes of death. For example, in England and Wales in the second half of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century phthisis death rates were higher among men from urban counties than from villages [Cronje 1984]. In the same region

infant mortality rates due to diarrhoeal diseases were higher in urban than in rural areas [Woods et. al 1988, 1989]. Woods' team [Woods et al. 1988: 189] called the extremely high mortality in the cities, occasioned by dysentery and diarrhoea related to poor sanitation, the 'urban-sani-tary-diarrhoeal-effect'. A reverse situation was observed for infectious diseases: the highest percentages of deaths were noted in the rural areas while the lowest in the cities [e.g. Glass 1964, Williams & Galley 1995, Budnik & Liczbinska 2006]. Generally speaking, overpopulated and increasingly industrialized cities with their poor sanitation, poor hygiene, limited access to medical care, or dramatically poor living conditions - with a mainly working-class population concentrated in extremely overcrowded districts - posed a threat to human health and life. By contrast, rural areas still enjoyed an unpolluted natural environment [e.g., Liczbinska 1999, 2009a,b; Budnik 2005; Budnik & Liczbinska 2005, 2006].

Catholic - Lutheran Differences in Mortality

Van Poppel [1992; see also van Poppel et al. 2002] has stressed that a strong relationship existed not only between mortality rates and the degree of urbanization but also between mortality measures and religious denomination. With regard to Western Europe the relationship between religion and mortality measures seems to be well- established and well-documented [van Poppel 1992; McQuillan 1999; Wolleswinkel-van den Bosch et al. 2000, 2001; van Poppel et al. 2002; Kemkes-Grottenthaler 2003]. Through its norms and values religion shaped a unique way of life and attitude towards marriage, birth control and sexuality. The Lutherans were more af-

fluent and, as a result, better nourished and educated [e.g., Schmelz 1971, McQuillan 1999, Wolleswinkel-van den Bosch et al. 2001]. The Lutheran communities were presented, unlike the Catholics, as more receptive to novelties, cared more for hygiene and cleanliness of rooms, and coped better with illnesses, as confirmed by lower values of infant death rates in these communities than among Catholic populations [van Poppel 1992; Wolleswinkel-van den Bosch et al. 1998, 2001; McQuillan 1999; van Poppel et al. 2002; Kemkes-Grottenthaler 2003]. Moreover, among the Protestants from the Netherlands in the second half of the 19th century faster decreasing of rates of death than among Catholics was noted [Wolleswinkel-van den Bosch et al. 1998, 2001]. According to Wolleswinkel-van den Bosch and co-workers [2000: 1037]: "the percentage of Roman Catholics was an important determinant of infant mortality" in this country. A similar result was presented by Haines and Kintner [2000] in their study on the mortality transition in Germany in the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of 20th century. They emphasised that "a higher proportion of Roman Catholics in the population was strongly associated with higher mortality" and showed a regional phenomenon reflecting the higher than elsewhere mortality level in the eastern part of 19th century Prussia (contemporary Polish territories), Bavaria, Baden, and Wuttenberg - areas mainly inhabited by Roman Catholics [Haines & Kintner 2000: 98].

The aim of the study is to show in the mortality measures calculated for Catholics and Lutherans from 19th-century Greater Poland: (1) stratification dependent on the size of the place of residence, and (2) stratification dependent on religious denomination in population centres of various size.

Materials

Historical background

Greater Poland (Polish: Wielkopolska) is nowadays a region of west-central Poland. In the 18th century, after the first partition of Poland in 1772, Greater Poland was annexed by Prussia. First, its northern part along the Notec River (German: Netze) was annexed by Prussia as the Netze District. In the second partition (1793) the whole of Greater Poland was absorbed by Prussia as part of the province of South Prussia [Chwalba 2000]. Following the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Greater Poland was partitioned again and its western part, including the city of Poznan, was ceded to Prussia. The eastern part was joined to the Russian-controlled Congress Kingdom of Poland (Polish: Kongresowka), where the Kalisz Governorate was formed. Within the Prussian Empire, western Greater Poland became the Grand Duchy of Poland. In the second half of the 19th century the Grand Duchy was replaced by the Province of Posen (German: Provinz Posen) with the city of Poznan as the capital [Chwalba 2000;

Fig. 1].

Nineteenth-century Greater Poland became the target of a settlement campaign and Germanization policy of the Prussian authorities, followed by a large influx of German immigrants to Poznan. The capital of Greater Poland offered them high-income jobs and settlement concessions, and made them a more favoured group than the Poles. Members of the Lutheran community were mainly of German nationality and represented a wealthier and more privileged part of the Poznan population, while Catholics, represented by poorer social classes (the working class and the lower middle class) were mainly Poles [Trzeciakowska & Trzeciakowski 1987,

Trzeciakowski 1994]. In the villages and small towns of Greater Poland the situation of Lutheran communities was completely different. Lutheran rural and town parishes differed in terms of wealth, living conditions, educational level, awareness, and the style and quality of life [Kiec 2001].

The data on the age of the deceased as well as the month and cause of their death are drawn from the 19th-century death registers of Catholic and Lutheran parishes from Poznan and selected towns and villages of Greater Poland, deposited in the State Archives in Poznan. Records were used for the following localities (Fig. 1):

• The wealthy Catholic St. Mary Magdalene's Parish (N = 6,893 deceased) from the city of Poznan, 1855 - 1874,

• The poor Catholic St. Margaret's Parish (N = 5,376 deceased) from the city of Poznan, 1855 -1874,

contemporary Poland

territory of contemporary Greater Poland

territory of 19th century Province of Poznan

Fig. 1. Map of 19th-century Greater Poland (Wielkopolska) as against territory of contemporary Poland.

• The Lutheran Holy Cross Parish from the city of Poznan (German: Kreutzkirche, N = 7,587 deceased), 1855 - 1874,

• The Catholic St. Joseph's Parish from the town of Kalisz (N = 1,351 deceased; the death registers of this parish did not contain information on the causes of death), 1850 - 1865,

• The Lutheran Holy Cross Parish from the town of Leszno (N = 2,573 deceased), 1855 - 1874,

• The Catholic parish from the village of Dziekanowice (mortality figures and causes of death were extracted from the literature; Budnik et al. 2002, 2004), and

• The Lutheran parish from the village of Trzebosz (German: Triebusch; N = 314 deceased), 1855 - 1874.

Infant mortality and life expectancy figures for Poznan: the poor Catholic St. Margaret's Parish, the wealthy Catholic St. Mary Magdalene's Parish, and the Lutheran Holy Cross Parish were extracted from previous paper published by the author [Liczbinska 2009b].

Assessment of reliability and validity of the historical written sources

A common feature of historical population registrations are smaller numbers of recorded events than the numbers of real events occurring at that time. This fact resulted, among others, from poor quality clergy work and poor organization of administration. Wars and natural disasters very often contributed to the disorder in registration recording. Exacting of payment by clergy for baptisms, marriage-ceremonies, and funerals provoked people to avoid registration. For this reason it is important to assess the reliability and validity of the historical sources. The quality of statistics and population registers from territories under Prussian, Austrian and Russian partition was variable:

Researchers found that the Prussian State had the highest population statistics standard [e.g., Szczypiorski 1962; Gieysztorowa 1962, 1971, 1976, 1980; Kaczmarski 1967; Borowski 1967, 1968; Ladogorski 1969; Wojtun 1976; Henneberg 1977; Klotzke 1980; Budnik 2005; Budnik & Liczbinska 2006; Liczbinska 2009 a,b].

Very often emphasised by authors is the fact that the lack of registrations occurred, first of all, among infants and young children. According to Gieysztorowa [1976], at the beginning of the 19th century, the frequencies of children in the age category 0 - 1 year below 30 % and for the age group 0 - 5 years below 50 % should be treated with suspicion [Gieysztorowa 1962, 1976; see also Sulowski 1962; Budnik 2005; Bud-nik & Liczbinska 2006]. However, records of stillbirths provide a very good indicator of the validity and reliability of 19th-century registers. These should constitute between 3-7 % all births [e.g., Borowski 1967, Ladogorski 1971, Gieysztorowa 1976, Henneberg 1977, Klotzke 1980, Budnik 2005, Budnik & Liczbinska 2006]. A sex ratio control is a very simple but accurate test of registers. According to biological law the sex ratio ranged between 101 and 107, usually 105 of boys per 100 girls [Gieysztorowa 1962].

Among all registers the most reliable were the marriage ones. Out of concern of an offspring's legality, great significance was apportioned to them. Based on the assumption of relatively complete marriage registers, the ratio of numbers of births to numbers of marriages (B/M) and the numbers of deaths to numbers of marriages (D/M) should a simple but be a very good test of register accuracy [Gieysztorowa 1962, 1971, 1976; K^delski 1992]: the first ratio should be in the vicinity of 5.0, the last approximately 3.0 [see also Sulowski 1962 - D/M: 2.5 - 4.2].

In this study the validity and reliability of the historical sources were examined and the values of the tests are presented in Table 1. As can be seen data derived from death registers of the St. Joseph Parish from Kalisz should be treated with suspicion. It can be speculated that the numbers of recorded deaths in the 0-1 age category are smaller than the numbers of real events occurring at the time under study. This is not surprising: Researchers have emphasised that up to the end of the 19th century the registers from the territory of the Kingdom of Poland, being at the time under the Russian administration, had the lowest statistical standards [Giey-sztorowa 1971, 1976; Gawrysiakowa 1980; Budnik 2005; Rejman 2006].

Table 1. Percentage of deaths in age categories 0-1 and 0-5, percentage of stillbirths in total number of births, ratio of number of births to number of marriages (B/M), number of deaths to number of marriages (D/M), and sex ratio (number of boys per 100 girls) in the populations under study

Populations 0-1 yrs 0-5 yrs % of stillbirths B/M Index D/M Index Sex ratio

Poznan - St. Margaret* 40.0 60.9 3.7 4.5 5.0 108

Poznan - St. M. Magdalene* 30.2 43.3 6.4 4.6 5.4 102

Poznan - Holy Cross* 37.0 53.0 5.0 4.4 3.5 105

Leszno - Holy Cross 33.0 45.0 4.4 5.1 4.3 110

Trzebosz 32.0 45.0 6.1 4.2 3.9 99

Kalisz - St. Joseph 29.0 50.0 2.9 4.3 2.9 109

* after Liczbinska 2009a,b

Methods

On the basis of information in the death registers, infant death rates (IDR) were first calculated. The infant death rate is the ratio of mortality of children under 1 year of age to the total number of live births in a studied period. It has two components: a neonatal death rate and a postneonatal death rate. The neonatal death rate is the ratio of the number of deaths up to an infant's 28th (sometimes 30th) day of life to the total number of live births. The postneonatal death rate is the number of deaths among infants older than 28 days and under one year of age against the number of live births [Holzer 2003].

A much more complete statistical picture of mortality is offered by life tables. The most widely known and most commonly used among the life table parameters is life expectancy at birth, e0. It is a parameter expressing in a synthetic way the mortality ratios in the population under study. Life tables have been constructed for two model situations: (1) a stationary population model based on the assumption that fertility and mortality balance out and that the sex-age structure does not change with time [Acsadi & Nemeskeri 1970], and (2) a stable population model, making an allowance for the natural increase. The rate of the natural increase was calculated as the difference between the number of live births and the number of deaths related to the number of the live population [Pressat 1966, Holzer 2003]. In the studies on the Polish historical populations (medieval and 19th-century populations from the rural regions) such life tables, computed with an assumption of stable population state with the coefficient of the natural increase 'r', were introduced by Piontek and Henneberg [1981]. Intergroup

differences in the e0 values were assessed using nomographs and tables of standard errors for these values [Henneberg & Strzalko 1975].

Subsequently, a qualitative and a quantitative analysis of death causes were carried out. Three groups of diseases were selected: airborne diseases (diphtheria, whooping cough, measles, smallpox, and scarlet fever), waterborne diseases (cholera, diarrhoea, dysentery, and typhus), and tuberculosis (phthisis, consumption). The significance of intergroup differences was assessed with the u test [Okta-ba 1976]. A single level of significance P = 0.05 was used.

Results

Urban and Rural Differences

Tables 2 and 3 contain infant death rates and neonatal and postneonatal death rates for the Catholics and Lutherans from the city of Poznan, and selected small towns and villages. As can be expected, the highest values of the IDR (and its components) among both the Catholic and Lutheran denominations were noted in the city of Poznan. It ranged from about 270 deaths per 1,000 live births to about 390 deaths per 1,000 live births. In the rural and small town communities, the IDR figures had the lowest values and ranged between 230 infant deaths per 1,000 live births to about 250 infant deaths per 1,000 live births.

Tables 4-5 as well as Fig. 2 show the values of life expectancy of a newly born child, e0 and an adult, e20. The most favourable situation was noted for the villages. For both Catholics and Lutherans from the rural areas the e0 parameter had the highest values: in the Lutheran Parish from the

Table 2. Infant, neonatal and postneonatal death rates in Lutheran populations, 1855-1874

(per 1,000 live births)

Population Infant death rate Neonatal death rate Postneonatal death rate

Poznan - Holy Cross* 293.10 a-b 99.10 ab 193.90 ab

Leszno - Holy Cross 230.07 71.61 158.44

Trzebosz 232.35 82.34 150.00

* after Liczbinska 2009a, b

statistically significant differences (u test) between: ■ Poznan - Leszno; b Poznan - Trzebosz

Table 3. Infant, neonatal and postneonatal death rates in Catholic populations, 1855-1874

(per 1,000 live births)

Population Infant death rate Neonatal death rate Postneonatal death rate

Poznan - St. Margaret* 386.70 ab 114.74 a-b 271.82 ^

Poznan - St. M. Magdalene* 265.34 c 91.50 c 173.90 c

Kalisz - St. Joseph 248.12 82.50 165.00

Dziekanowice** 249.00 d - -

* after Liczbinska 2009a, b; ** after Budnik et al. 2002

statistically significant differences (u test) between: ■ - Poznan: St. Margaret - Poznan: St. Mary Magdalene; b - Poznan: St. Margaret - Kalisz; c - Poznan: St. Mary Magdalene - Kalisz; d - Dziekanowice - Catholic parishes from Poznan

Table 4. Values of life expectancy of a newly born child e0 and an adult e20 in the Lutheran populations from Greater Poland in the second half of the 19th century

Population Stationary population model Stable population model

e0 e20 r e0 e20

Poznan - Holy Cross* 25.44 29.01 0.0077 28.03 32.03

Leszno - Holy Cross 28.30 34.97 0.0114 1 38.11 38.48

Trzebosz 29.46 38.01 0.0202 2 47.03 42.60

* after Liczbinska 2009ft

1 author's calculation; the numbers of deaths, births and the living population for the towns of the Province of Poznan were extracted from the Prussian Statistics (Preussische Statistik 1875).

2 author's calculation; the numbers of deaths, births and the living population for the rural areas of the Province of Poznan were extracted from the Prussian Statistics (Preussische Statistik 1875).

Table 5. Values of life expectancy of a newly born child e0 and an adult e20 in the Catholic populations from Greater Poland in the second half of the 19th century

Population

Stationary population model

Stable population model

e0 e20 r e0 e20

Poznan - St. Margaret 1 17.99 30.50 -0.0035 16.14 29.57

Poznan - St. M. Magdalene 1 20.24 32.35 0.0096 27.37 35.58

Kalisz - St. Joseph 22.53 31.69 0.0086 2 28.97 34.82

Dziekanowice 3 23.20 34.00 0.0151 36.30 39.40

1 after Liczbinska 2009b

2 author's calculation; figures for the living population of Kalisz were extracted from Siownik Geograficzny [1880-1902]

3 e0 and e20: values for the years 1851-1903 [Budnik et al. 2002, 2004]

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

Fig. 2. Values of life expectancy ex in the studied populations (stable population model) (data for Poznan after Liczbinska 2009b; data for Dziekanowice after Budnik et al. 2002, 2004).

village of Trzebosz an average newly born child had a chance to live 47 years, while its peer living in the St. Mary Magdalene and Holy Cross Parishes from Poznan - 20 years

less, or in the St. Margaret Parish, 30 years less (stable population model). The life expectancy of an adult person from Trzebosz was 42 years, while the e20 value calculated

for an average adult from Poznan was about 10 years less (stable population model). In the Catholic Parish from the village of Dziekanowice a newly born child's life expectancy was 36 years [after Budnik et al. 2002, 2004; stable population model], which was 8 years more than for the city's parishes: the wealthy Catholic and the Lutheran one. Moreover, this was also 20 years more than for the poor Catholic St. Margaret's Parish from the city of Poznan.

Causes of death also had a specific character depending on the size of the place of residence. Three groups of diseases were selected for examination: airborne diseases (diphtheria, whooping cough, measles, smallpox, and scarlet fever), waterborne diseases (cholera, diarrhoea, dysentery, and typhus), and tuberculosis. Both the Lutheran and Catholic rural communities suffered from a high toll of airborne diseases: the proportion of deaths was twice as high as in the city of Poznan. Poznan, in turn, had the highest mortality rates due to waterborne diseases and tuberculosis (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3. Causes of death in the studied populations: (1) Poznan - poor Catholic Parish; (2) Poznan - wealthy Catholic Parish; (3) Poznan - Lutheran Parish; (4) Trzebosz - Lutheran Parish; (5) Dziekanowice - Catholic Parish (author's calculations based on Budnik et al. 2002, 2004).

Religious Differences

Certain differences in mortality measures between Catholics and Lutherans from the above-mentioned places of residence were also observed. The Catholics from rural areas and small towns had the highest infant mortality, while the Lutherans from the same type of localities the lowest (Tables 2-3). Even more distinct differences are apparent in the values of e0. An average Lutheran newly born child from of the village of Trzebosz had a chance to live 11 years longer than their Catholic peer living in the village Dziekanowice. A similar situation was observed with regard to the towns. Among the Lutherans from Leszno a newly born child's life expectancy was 10 years longer than the same measure calculated for the Catholics from Kalisz (Tabs. 3-4, Fig. 2; stable population model).

With regard to the city of Poznan differences in the values of infant mortality rates and life expectancy between the Catholics and the Lutherans in favour of the Lutherans are not completely unequivocal. The highest value of IDR occurred in the poor Catholic Parish of St. Margaret. In turn, in the other Catholic population from the more affluent City Centre, the Parish of St. Mary Magdalene, infant death rates and its components were the lowest. In the Lutheran Parish of St. Cross infant death rate attained values significantly higher than in the Parish of St. Mary Magdalene but significantly lower than in the poor Catholic Parish of St. Margaret (Table 3). The life expectancy e0 had the least favourable values in the Catholic Parish of St. Margaret. In turn, in the Catholic Parish of St. Mary Magdalene from the City Centre and the Lutheran Parish of Holy Cross life expectancy at birth e0 was as many as 12 years more than in the Parish of St. Margaret (Tabs. 3-4, stable population model).

TO <D TD

J FMAMJ JASOND

Fig. 4. Annual rhythm of deaths against seasonality of infant deaths in the Catholic and Lutheran parishes from Poznan (data from Liczbinska 2009b).

Discussion

The fortified and overpopulated city of Poznan with its huge infrastructure deficits posed a threat to life and health. It seems that the higher mortality level among the Lutherans and Catholics of Poznan, compared to the rural areas and small towns, was a result of poor sanitary and hygienic conditions as well as a shortage of clean water provision in the city. The poorest epidemiological conditions were noted in the Catholic St. Margaret's Parish, encompassing the poorest, most dilapidated districts of Poznan [Karolczak 1997a,b; Liczbinska 2009a,b]. A better situation was observed in the more affluent Catholic St. Mary Magdalene's Parish situated in the city centre near the Market Square.

It enj oyed a higher standard of living and was privileged in terms of infrastructure, which translated into more favourable mortality measures than elsewhere in Poznan [K^delski 1994; Karolczak 1997a,b; Kaniecki 2004; Liczbinska 2009a,b], The Lutherans from the Parish of Holy Cross lived in different parts of the city, and some of them also in villages and small towns near Poznan. This resulted in a whole spectrum of environmental conditions and varying access to civil amenities across the parish. Only the Lutherans living close to the city marketplace had access to wells with uncontaminated water, while the rest of the population used contaminated sources available in the vicinity of their dwellings [Kaniecki 2004]. In 19th century Poznan unequal access to the city's infrastructure

and poor ecological conditions were the most important factors for high mortality among Catholics and Lutherans, rather than religious denomination. In this study mortality measures calculated for Poznan's parishes were divided according to environmental conditions in different districts of the city. The Lutherans from the Holy Cross Parish, despite their better economic position, better education, and hence higher awareness, were unable to cope with poor sanitary and hygiene conditions in the city, and as a result were unable to reduce their high infant mortality rate.

In contrast, the figures calculated for both Catholics and Lutherans from the villages and small towns were the most favourable. Nineteenth-century Greater Poland villages and towns were devoid of such dangers as Poznan faced, and were characterized mainly by less deleterious ecological conditions: a smaller population density and a still unpolluted environment by rapidly developing industry [Budnik & Liczbinska 2005, 2006]. Hence, the denomination factor, related to the differences in the quality of life and lifestyle and effected through socio-economic variables, affected mortality measures to a considerable degree. Therefore, the relationship between mortality level and religious denominations are more visible there than in the city of Poznan.

Stratification, depending on the size of place of residence rather than between Catholics and Lutherans, was also observed in the distribution of selected categories of causes of death. Researchers have noted that religious observances and traditional patterns of behaviour among Lutherans manifesting, among others, in forms of activity that promoted good health, resulted in lower incidence of illness, especially in digestive system diseases among infants [e.g., van Poppel 1992, McQuillan 1999, van

Poppel et al. 2002, Kemkes-Grottenthaler 2003]. Kemkes-Grottenthaler [2003] mentioned that as early as the 17th century the Protestant Church, aware of the problem of high child mortality, published special instructions advising on how to cope with illnesses and encouraged women to breast feed their babies for as long as possible [McQuillan 1999, Kemkes-Grottenthaler 2003]. This study indicates that infectious diseases took a heavy toll among both Catholics and Lutherans inhabiting the rural areas of Greater Poland. It is worth mentioning that a similar pattern of rural and urban distribution of infectious diseases was noted earlier with regard to the Poznan Province (Provinz Posen) in the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century [Budnik & Liczbinska 2006]. Although in 1815 and 1835 regulations stating how to deal with infections in a professional manner were issued [Karaskiewicz 1936-1937, Budnik & Liczbinska 2006], awareness of them in the rural areas was probably very limited. The percentages of waterborne diseases were, by contrast, higher among the Lutherans and Catholics from the city of Poznan, which reflected the poor hygiene and sanitation, and lack of access to clean water in the overcrowded rapidly industrializing city. In the capital of Grater Poland a modern water-supply system was only completed in 1866, and the sewage system was constructed as late as the end of the 19th century [cf. Trzeciakowska & Trzeciakowski 1987; K^delski 1994; Liczbinska 2009a,b]. In the city of Poznan, typhoid, dysentery and cholera were more frequent than in the rural areas. Sanitation problems in Poznan were very severe especially in the summer months as confirmed by a higher summer mortality in both Catholic and Lutheran communities (Fig. 4). The mortality increases arose mainly from high postneonatal mortality

due to infectious diseases and gastric infections, such as diarrhoea and dysentery, being higher in summer than in the other months [Liczbinska 2009a,b]. Researchers have attributed such postneonatal mortality increase among Catholics babies to early weaning. According to them, due to an unjustified shame complex, women in Catholic families breastfed their babies for only a short time [McQuillan 1999, Kemkes-Grottenthaler 2003]. The conclusions of this paper is that an infant mortality peak resulted from poor ecological conditions in the city rather than early weaning. The abovementioned summer mortality increase related to airborne and waterborne diseases was not observed in the rural populations of either denomination (see also Borowski 1976). Deaths due to tuberculosis were linked mainly with industrialization and urbanization, which has been borne out by studies on this subject [e.g., Cronje 1984; Puranen 1991; Landers 1993; Liczbinska 2009a,b]. The highest death rates due to tuberculosis were recorded among the inhabitants of Poznan, irrespective of their denomination (Fig. 3). Poor living and working conditions as well as malnutrition, mainly among unskilled workers, were associated with a higher mortality due to tuberculosis in Poznan than in the rural areas of Greater Poland [Cronje 1984; Trzecia-kowska & Trzeciakowski 1987; McFarlane 1989; Puranen 1991; Landers 1993; Bryder 1996; Karolczak 1997a,b; Wolleswinkel-van den Bosch et al. 1998, 2000, 2001; Bud-nik & Liczbinska 2005, 2006; Liczbinska 2009a,b].

Concluding remarks

The effect of size of place of residence on the demographic measures and causes of death among 19th-century Lutherans and Catholics from Greater Poland was

studied. The analysis showed that biological conditions among the Catholics and Lutherans from the city of Poznan were unfavourable in comparison to the rural areas. The industrialized and overpopulated city with a shortage of free space and lack of infrastructure presented threats to life and health. On the other hand, rural and smalltown communities were characterized by an unpolluted environment and a low population density.

Despite their better economic position and, education, and hence higher awareness, the Lutherans living in Poznan were unable to cope with all the infrastructure deficits in the city and, as a result, to reduce mortality. Rural areas and small towns were characterized by less deleterious environmental effects and here, therefore, differences in mortality level between the Catholics and Lutherans are more marked than for the city of Poznan.

Acknowledgements I would like to express my appreciation to my students: Kamila Stachu-ra, Katarzyna Lica and Monika Maciejewska, who made their data on Kalisz available to me.

This paper was presented as a poster at 17th Congress of the European Anthropological Association "Biological, Social and Cultural Dimensions of Human Health", in Poznan, Poland, in August 2010.

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Streszczenie

Celem pracy bylo zbadanie, czy mierniki umieralnosci i przyczyny zgonow w populacjach katolikow i ewangelikow z XIX-wiecznej Wielkopolski: 1) rozwarstwiaj^ si§ w zaleznosci od wielkosci miejsca zamieszkania 2) rozwarstwiaj^ si§ w zaleznosci od wyznania w osrodkach rozni^cych si§ wielkosci^. Wykorzystano dane o umieralnosci z parafialnych ksi^g zgonow dla parafii katolickich i ewangelickich z nast^puj^cych osrodkow: Poznania (katolickie parafie: sw. Malgorzaty; N = 6893 i sw. Marii Magdaleny; N = 5376, ewangelicka parafia sw. Krzyza;

N = 7587), malych miast: Leszna (ewangelicka parafia sw. Krzyza; N = 2573) i Kalisza (katolicka parafia sw. Józefa; N = 1351). Tereny wiejskie reprezentuj^: ewangelicka parafia Trzebosz (N = 314) oraz katolicka parafia Dziekanowice.

Scharakteryzowane wspólczynniki zgonów niemowl^t, wartosci oczekiwanego dalszego zycia noworodka i osoby doroslej oraz glówne przyczyny zgonów silnie rozwarstwiaj^ siç na niekorzysc Poznania. W Poznaniu II polowy XIX wieku umieralnosc niemowl^t zamykala siç w przedziale od 270 do 390 niemowl^t na 1000 zywo urodzonych. Na terenach wiejskich wartosci wspólczynnika zgonów dzieci do 1. roku zycia wynosily od 230 do 250 %% (Tabele 2 i 3). Podobnie róznice na niekorzysc Poznania obserwujemy w wartosciach e0 i e20 (Tabele 3 i 4). Przeciçtny mieszkaniec Poznania w momencie urodzenia mial szansç zyc 28 lat, a w ubog-ich robotniczych dzielnicach nawet 1б lat, gdy tymczasem jego rówiesnik z terenów wiejskich 20, a nawet 30 lat wiçcej.

Ów niekorzystny obraz umieralnosci katolików i ewangelików z Poznania, w porównaniu z mniejszymi osrodkami, na który zlozyla siç glównie wysoka smiertelnosc niemowl^t i malych dzieci, odbijal szeroko rozumiane warunki ekologiczne. Poznan w II polowie XIX wieku byl mi-astem zaniedbanym i pozbawionym infrastruktury: do polowy lat szescdziesi^tych XIX wieku nie posiadal nowoczesnych wodoci^gów, a dopiero pod koniec wieku doczekal siç kanalizacji. Braki ujçc czystej wody pitnej, kanalizacji i niski poziom opieki medycznej przyczynialy siç do czçstych epidemii chorób zakaznych, które bez wzglçdu na wyznanie i pochodzenie spoleczne, zbieraly ogromne zniwo. W II polowie XIX wieku tylko w rynku miejskim znajdowaly siç studnie z czyst^ wod^ oraz dzialaly prymitywne kanalizacje odprowadzaj^ce nieczystosci. In-aczej rzecz siç miala w wioskach i malych miastach, które w XIX wieku charakteryzowaly siç przede wszystkim mniejsz^ gçstosci^ zaludnienia i nieskazonym jeszcze srodowiskiem.

W odniesieniu do XIX-wiecznej Europy Zachodniej, badacze niejednokrotnie podkreslali róznice w miernikach umieralnosci miçdzy katolikami i ewangelikami. Ewangelicy byli, w przeciwienstwie do biednych i konserwatywnych katolików, zwykle lepiej wyksztalceni i zaawansowani ekonomicznie, co podnosilo jakosc ich zycia, a otwarta na zdobycze cywiliza-cyjne religia ewangelicka nakazywala im podejmowanie wszelkich form aktywnosci w trosce o zdrowie. Wszystko to przekladalo siç na mniejsz^ umieralnosc niemowl^t z rodzin ewange-lików w porównaniu z katolikami oraz szybsze spadki umieralnosci ogólnej w czasie. W XIX-wiecznym Poznaniu róznice miçdzy katolikami i ewangelikami w poziomie umieralnosci s^ niejednoznaczne: najwyzsze wartosci umieralnosci niemowl^t odnotowano tak wsród ewange-lików, jak i ubogich katolików. Z kolei, wartosci oczekiwanego dalszego trwania zycia noworodka e0 (miernika wyrazaj^cego w syntetyczny sposób stosunki wymieralnosci) wypadly jednakowo korzystnie wsród katolików mieszkaj^cych w uprzywilejowanym pod wzglçdem infrastruktury rynku miejskim, jak i ewangelików, najgorzej - w ubogiej parafii katolickiej. Na wsiach i w malych miastach negatywny wplyw czynników srodowiskowych byl zdecy-dowanie slabszy niz w przemyslowym, przeludnionym i cierpi^cym na niedostatki w zakresie infrastruktury Poznaniu, st^d tez silniej zaznaczyly siç róznice w miernikach umieralnosci pomiçdzy katolikami i ewangelikami.

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