CC BY-NC-ND
0Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect PfOCSCl ¡0
Social and Behavioral Sciences
Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 114 (2014) 872 - 876 —
4th World Conference on Psychology, Counseling and Guidance - WCPCG 2013
Islam and Women's Rights: Discourses in Malaysia
Aurangzaib Alamgir*
Asia-Europe Institute, University of Malaya 50603 Kuala Lumpur Malaysia
Abstract
The mostly Muslim nation of Malaysia has always walked a fine line between protecting the rights of Malay women and acknowledging the role that Islam plays in the daily lives of its citizens. Yet many of the obstacles facing Malaysian society disproportionately affect women. There are two different and extreme sorts of discourses: one that strictly adheres to the classical Islamic tradition and the other rejects the mere notion of polygamy as they do not believe that Islam promotes any injustice and mistreatment towards them. This paper therefore engages in analyzing the two different discourses on Muslim women rights in Malaysia.
© 2013 TheAuthors. PublishedbyElsevierLtd.
Selectionandpeer-reviewunder responsibility ofAcademicWorld Education and Research Center. Keywords: Islam, Women's Rights, Malaysia;
The mostly Muslim nation of Malaysia has always walked a fine line between protecting the rights of Malay women and acknowledging the role that Islam plays in the daily lives of its citizens. Yet many of the obstacles facing Malaysian society disproportionately affect women. These include endemic poverty, human trafficking, environmental degradation, a rise in the numbers of refugees, civil unrest, crime and a resurgent Islamic movement. Nonetheless in this mostly Muslim country of nearly 30 million people, by comparison with other Islamic nations, the fight for greater protection of Malaysian women's rights has had some success. This balance between a secular and sectarian society has largely been the result of Malaysia's former Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad. In contrast to Malaysia's largest neighbor, Indonesia, Mr. Mohamad did make significant concessions to Parti Islam se-Malaysia (PAS), Malaysia's largest Islamic party, to placate religious conservatives.
The issue of Muslim women's rights often involves politics of culture, religion, identity and nationalism. One common feature about the Muslim countries has been the presence of Islamic revivalism and Malaysia is one of the countries that share the history of Islamic resurgence. On account of Islamic revivalism, various events occurred in the later part of the last century, for example, the Iranian revolution of 1979, the soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the Arab oil embargo. These events started to influence the Malaysian political landscape. The religious organization got strengthened and their impact was felt at the social economic level.
Being a nation of many faiths, Malaysia has had to consider the relationship between religion and state, which have become even more entwined. This is mostly due to pressure from the surge of Islamic revivalism and from the opposition parties who seek to reinvent the nation according to Islamic norms and ideals. The Islamic resurgence in Malaysia is often known as Dakwah movements which are perceived in opposition to the political, social and economic supremacy of the West and it also defines boundaries between what is traditional and what is western.
Corresponding author: Aurangzaib Alamgir E-mail: alamgeer2005naz@yahoo.com
1877-0428 © 2013 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.
Selection and peer-review under responsibility of Academic World Education and Research Center. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.12.800
Religious Organizations have been gaining approval nationwide, and the impact is particularly evident at a sociopolitical level. Being a nation of many faiths, Malaysia has had to consider the relationship between religion and state, which have become even more entwined. This is mostly due to pressure from the surge of Islamic revivalism and from the opposition parties who seek to reinvent the nation according to Islamic norms and ideals. The Islamic revival in Malaysia has been defined by what is known as the dakwah movement, which is often perceived in opposition to the economic, political, and social supremacy of their Western counterparts (Nagata, 1984; Narli, 1991). Dakwah movement was, for Malay women, a "re-education or re-socialization process, whereby women can be rescued from the throes of Westernization which has permeated Malay culture" (Nagata, 1984). The phenomenon has also been defined as a symbol of the difference between the traditional and the Western.
The dakwah movement in Malaysia is also perceived as "women's subjection to male authority and women's domestic roles as wife and mother as symbol of religious nationalism for Malays" (Othman, 2006). Women, as the bearers of cultural values and traditions, are important symbols in the politics of Islamic revivalism and Islamic state policy. Dakwah advocates claim that good Muslim women should educate others about Islam, be involved in child-rearing, and create a positive social consciousness. the ideology of dakwah states that women are a source of support to men, that they do not have the same political rights as men, that they may only lead female organizations, that their careers are limited to being clerks, teachers, nurses, and doctors, that it is their role to educate the new Muslim generation, that they must cover their hair and wear long, loose clothes, and that they should not use so-called Western products such as cosmetics. As such, the veil became an important symbol in the efforts of the Malay female community in establishing their Muslim identity, and the act of unveiling became associated with the West. This is why a majority of working professional women still wear the veil, as visible declarations of their commitment to Islam.
The government in Malaysia has been appropriating these movements, with the overall intention at reforming the image of Islam in accordance with their own plans for modernization. These policies were known as the 'adaptive upgrading' of Islam in correspondence with their plans for modernization, in which the government attempted to encourage a more moderate approach to Islam through educational and legislative arrangements. In addition to this, the Mahathir administration, especially in the 1990s, institutionalized a more "corporate" approach to Islam, in an attempt to neutralize the dakwah movement and its influence on politics and religion. In doing so, the government aimed to use radical movements such as these in their bid for modernization and to answer criticism faced by their capitalist economic policies. This was also a way of expediting existing Islamization policies in parallel with the burgeoning modernization of everyday life and the increasingly materialistic nature of contemporary culture. The Islamization policies Mahathir implemented include the establishment of the Islamic Bank and the Islamic International University (IIUM) and, to an extent, a reduction of ties with the West. The government of the day also relied heavily on the leadership of the Muslim Youth Movement (ABIM) and the Institute for Islamic Understanding (IKIM), both of which were organizations which they had appropriated, in order to strike a balance between secularization and Islamization. The government's aim throughout all these efforts was to channel the strengths of dakwah into politically-beneficial activities, as they still had to maintain a secular nation. Islamization also fulfilled their economic development objectives. On the political front, the state had managed to divide these rogue Islamist organizations and appropriate them for their own agendas.
The emergence of a politicized Islam has posed a challenge to civil society groups determined to uphold democracy, human rights, and women's rights. Women groups in many Muslim countries are at the frontline in challenging the religious establishment and their justification of the subordination of women and the discrimination against them, all in the name of religion Muslim women in modern and industrial Muslim nations such as Malaysia are at odds with the patriarchal construct of the so-called "ideal" Muslim woman as subservient and submissive. Progressive Muslim women, for the most part, do not believe that Islam promotes any injustice and mistreatment towards them. Such an organization is Sisters-in-Islam (SIS).
SIS exists as a group of professional women claims to promote women's rights within the framework of Islam. The mission of SIS is to promote an awareness of the true principles of Islamic equality, justice, freedom and dignity within a democratic state. SIS believes that Islam does not endorse the oppression of women and that Islam has been misinterpreted in justifying the cultural practices that make women inferior and subordinate to men. This has been made possible because men have had exercise control over the interpretation of the Holy text. SIS also
believe that it is of utmost importance that women's experiences, thoughts and voices are a part of Qur'anic interpretation and the implementation of Islam. Their ultimate aim is to create workable formulas in their daily battles against oppressive rules. They adopt two main strategies to approach Muslim women's rights in an Islamic context: the first is based on interpretations of the Qur'an, which includes placing certain verses in a cultural and historical context and understanding the general message of the text. The second is based on perceptions of the early history of Islam, specifically during the time of the Prophet. Both these approaches are evident in the efforts and ideology of Sisters-in-Islam in reinterpreting and re-reading the Qur'an. In their efforts to reinterpret the Qur'an, they seek to uncover an Islam which is more appreciative of women's value; they tend to use Qur'anic verses supportive of women in defending women's rights.
When groups like Sisters-in-Islam discuss Islam, their credentials and authority to discuss such matters has come under scrutiny. In their quest for Islamic reforms, SIS has been criticized that its agendas are a product of a Western tradition, which is not transferable to Islam. Islamic activists undermine the authority of these organizations to even discuss religious issues. As such, the problem of the authority to speak on Islam is a bone of contention in modern-day Malaysia. The established tradition is that only the Ulema may engage public discourse regarding Islam. Those who lack a traditional, religious education are not seen to have the authority or the right to discuss religion. A result of this is that few Muslims dare challenge, question, or even discuss religion, even when they are doubtful of the infallibility of the teachings they have been brought up to believe. They have been taught to accept that only figures of religious authority know Islam best, and them alone. As the opinion of these figures of authority is taken to be law, polygamous marriages are justifiable in the name of religion, the victims of which are Muslim women.
In response to criticisms, Zainah Anwar, the founder of SIS argues, "I want an Islam that upholds the principles of justice, equality, freedom and dignity," she said. "There is nothing contradictory between wanting these principles to guide and govern your life and being a good Muslim." Not surprisingly, the connection of Malaysian women's rights to politics, gender identity and Islamization have pushed the progressive women's groups to reach an understanding of Malaysian women's rights that is consistent with the universal concept of human rights. Nonetheless the need to justify even basic rights for women suggests the struggle many women face in their daily lives. The temptation to give in, in order to 'fit in', is evident.
Zainah also argues that "when Islam is used as a source of law and public policy with widespread impact on the lives of a democratic country, then any attempt to limit writing and debate on Islam only to the Ulema is undemocratic. Why is it that all citizens have the right to speak on political, social and economic matters that impinge on their well-being and rights but when it comes to matters of religion, it is a must to refer to the Ulema. The opinions of the Ulema on matters of public law which affect the relationship between state power and citizenship rights must be open to public debate" (Anwar, 1987). Furthermore, not all Ulema are traditional in their approach to women's rights in Islam but there are those who are progressive - thereby we seek guidance from several scholars, muftis and judges.
When it comes to the interpretation of the Qur'an, it involves issues like; who is the recognized authority to interpret and this very much generates the issue - who speaks in favor of whom, coupled with the politics of gender, identity and patriarchy. In fact, the processes of Islamization and modernization are rooted in two different directions, for instance, Islamization process is very much rooted in Islam, whereas, modernization process in the West has gone hand in hand with a secularization of the nation-state. Therefore, in Malaysia "the modernization of the nation-state does not have to mean lessening of religious authority".
Not surprisingly, the connotation of Muslim women's rights with politics, gender identity and Islamization has pushed the progressive women's groups to reach an understanding of Muslim women's rights consistent with universal concept of human rights; therefore, it is necessary to create women's rights in particular relation to the interpretation of Qur'an that favors women's rights. However, the idea of interpretation of the Qur'an with a universal approach is not reliable to many Muslim women who favor a traditionalist approach. For example, there is a view if we were to give authority to Sisters-in-Islam to reinterpret the Qur'an; it would be pointless because the Qur'an cannot be interpreted based on logic only. There are rules of interpretation; there are lots of metaphors, bilaghat (rhetoric), mantik (logic). Since the Quran was revealed in the Arabic language, it therefore requires a thorough understanding of the language and customs of the Arabs. These statements very much highlight the fact
that it has always been men given authority to interpret the Qur'an, since enjoy do not enjoy leadership in Islam, therefore, SIS - being a women group does not have the right.
From the above discussion, we have come to known that traditionalism is the main arguments when it comes to the interpretation of the Qur'an. This is not surprising for SIS, as they believe that Malaysia is very much influenced by traditionalism. Many women accept it because they believe that it is purely Islamic and the interpretation issue rests with the Ulema as a recognizing body. Furthermore, they also believe that whatsoever Ulema say must be accepted which is otherwise likely to question the word of God.
The most important question is; are women allowed to question when it comes to religious matters? In many Islamic countries including Malaysia questioning traditional ways of Islamic text is risky as one can be accused of apostasy especially Muslim women. This is how Muslim women in Malaysia have been moralized and taught that questioning traditional interpretation is exactly like questioning God. Nevertheless, the groups like SIS justify that they are in no way questioning the word of God but in fact the male dominated interpretation as when such interpretations become the part of state laws, Muslim women get affected. SIS also believes that Islam is a religion that encourages equality between genders and that is why the progressive women want to see an enlightened and egalitarian view of gender relations as the basis for the interpretations and codifications and that is why SIS is engaged to find liberation, truth and justice from within their religion.
For every group that tries to advance women's rights in conservative societies there is inevitably a group that will push women back to their subservient corner. One group, the Obedient Wives Club, seeks to encourage Muslim women to follow the wishes of their husbands, which can include prostitution. The argument that groups like the Obedient Wives Club makes is that at the root cause of infidelity and domestic violence is the fact that Muslim women have failed to fully satisfy their husbands. Significantly it is not the perpetrators who are held accountable, but women themselves who are held to have failed in some way that has invited violence, thereby excusing men for their violent behaviour.
While the Obedient Wives Club has received a fair amount of criticism for its stance on domestic violence and prostitution as being a possible avenue to save many troubled marriages, its president, Rohaya Mohamed, argues that her group isn't exclusively for Muslim women and that women of all faiths can join. Their ultimate goal is to counsel women about how to be better wives and how to make any fault in a relationship be that of women. "A man married to a woman who is as good as or better than a prostitute in bed has no reason to stray. Rather than allowing him to sin, a woman must do all she can to ensure his desires are met," suggested Rohaya Mohamed (Alston and Alamgir, 2012).
However, Sisters-in-Islam's Ratna Osman notes this extraordinary argument provides justification for men's violent behaviour, "Abusive men often use women's behavior as a sick justification, but in the end, their actions are their responsibility." National Public Radio reported in January of this year that the Obedient Wives Club has since moderated their positions on a whole host of issues after receiving significant pushback from Malaysian society. "The group appears to have toned down its rhetoric since last year, when media quoted members as saying that wives should satisfy the sexual desires of their husbands like prostitutes. Club member Hajiera Hartley explains that the group is simply giving its members the basic information they request about sex and marriage. 'Simple things like, how do people kiss. Honestly, the Malays do not know how to kiss,' Hartley says" (Alston and Alamgir, 2012).
In the decades ahead, women's rights in Malaysia will continue to be a contentious issue with religious leaders holding significant influence over governmental policy. This bodes poorly for women as history demonstrates that an increase in fundamentalists' hold on power goes hand in hand with a degradation of women's rights. It is hoped that as civil society groups and in particular, women's rights groups make inroads within Malaysian society they may be able to progress women's rights. This will be highly dependent on their influence on all levels of government, the activism of civil society groups, and the support of local women's organizations.
Fundamentally it is also dependent on external transnational rights groups and organizations such as the UN stepping up the pressure for women's rights. Censure by the global community is essential if women are to be viewed as equal citizens in any society.
References
Narli, N.f., Unveiling the fundamentalist women : a case study of university students in Malaysia. 1991, Istanbul: Isis Press.
Nagata, J.A., The reflowering of Malaysian Islam : modern religious radicals and their roots. 1984, Vancouver:
University of British Columbia Press. Nagata, J., Religious Ideology and Social Change: The Islamic Revival in Malaysia. Pacific Affairs, 1980. 53(3): 405-439.
Othman, N., Muslim women and the challenge of Islamic fundamentalism/extremism: An overview of Southeast Asian Muslim women's struggle for human rights and gender equality. Womens Studies International Forum, 2006. 29(4): 339-353. Anwar, Z., Islamic revivalism in Malaysia: dakwah among the students. 1987: Pelanduk Publications. Alston, M., & Alamgir, A., Women's Rights in Malaysia, in International Policy Digest 2012. 22-24.
